FREEDOM AND REVISION

Ira Singer
August 31, 1992

ABSTRACT

This paper claims that compatibilism is typically presented as a description and defense of our ordinary beliefs and practices and emotions and attitudes connected with the terms "freedom, responsibility," and so on; and that, contrary to this compatibilist claim, libertarianism captures important aspects of those beliefs and practices and emotions and attitudes. If these claims are both correct, then compatibilism is a proposal for substantial revision of our beliefs and practices. Thus I defend libertarianism as a descriptive view, and I criticize compatibilists for (at least typically) having a false self-conception. But in the end I am sympathetic to compatibilism; for libertarianism is false, leaving some variety of compatibilism as our only hope of rescuing meaningful talk of freedom. I only urge compatibilists to understand better the power of the views they oppose, and the task of conceptual and perhaps practical revision they have taken on.

THE PROJECT

My aim here is to sketch and defend an approach to the problem of free will--an approach that has been unduly neglected recently. Spinoza pioneered this approach in Parts I and V of his Ethics. He argues that our ordinary beliefs about human freedom are muddled and mistaken; that we ordinarily impose a requirement on free human action that we never meet. That is to say, in current parlance, that Spinoza accepts the libertarian account of the concept of free will, but also accepts the compatibilist criticism of libertarian metaphysical views. Finally, Spinoza thinks we can still capture something useful and meaningful by talking about the "free man"--the person who understands and is reconciled to necessity. But this new talk about freedom is a substantial revision of our ordinary talk, and is connected with a substantial revision of our practices and beliefs and even of our emotional lives. The revision is difficult; but it is for the best, both for each individual and for the whole polity.

I depart from Spinoza in that I do not believe in his strict brand of determinism. But I also do not think that the philosophical problem about human freedom arises only for those committed to (or afraid of) strict determinism. Instead, on my view the problem arises simply from a naturalistic account of human beings, according to which our capacities and values have their ultimate sources outside of us.[Note 1] But this adjustment preserves the essence of Spinoza's vision: that a philosophical problem about human freedom arises because people attribute the wrong status to themselves, thinking of themselves as somehow transcending nature rather than being natural creatures. This way of thinking is sufficiently widespread that it has shaped many of our practices and emotions; it is sufficiently deep that some philosophers generally impressed by naturalistic explanation nevertheless use all their ingenuity to exempt some human actions from such explanation; but it is false.

To spell out the issues more systematically, the view I want to sketch and defend involves these claims: (1) Compatibilism is typically presented as a description and defense of "the ordinary conception" of freedom. (2) But, contrary to the compatibilist's typical claims, libertarianism describes important aspects of this ordinary conception. (3) There are both historical and psychological explanations for the evolution and attractiveness of the libertarian conception. (4) Libertarianism is not incoherent. (5) Libertarianism (construed not just as a description of our ordinary conception of freedom, but as a substantive account of freedom and of the status and nature of human beings) is false. (6) "The ordinary conception of freedom" is a motley creature; it involves many aspects, many different sorts of connections with metaphysical beliefs, moral beliefs, practices, and emotions. (7) Sophisticated compatibilism promises to rescue something worth calling "human freedom"; but, in order to be persuasive, the sophisticated compatibilist must admit that on her scheme we must excise deep and important aspects of our concept of freedom. That is, the compatibilist must admit that she engages in substantial conceptual revision; her account of freedom does not capture everything that ordinary people mean by "freedom," it does not capture everything that our culture has wanted from freedom, it does not amount to a criticism only of a few aethereal or mischief-making philosophers. (8) Finally, and most tentatively: when we realize that we are doomed to revision anyway if we want to work out a sensible and serviceable conception of freedom, we might be more open to the possibility of substantially revising some of our practices and emotions--arduous though that revision might be.

Defending all these claims and their connections to each other in a fully persuasive way is (if I may be allowed a gross understatement) a tall order. Here I will be satisfied if, by saying a few words about each claim, I can make it plausible that this view merits renewed interest and investigation.

COMPATIBILISM AND DESCRIPTION

What precisely do I mean when I say that compatibilism is typically presented as a descriptivist view? Perhaps I can both clarify and support the claim by presenting the skeleton of a typical compatibilist argument.

The argument goes like this: "Some philosophers have often taken there to be some question, difficult to answer, about whether we are free. But it is obvious that we are free, at least in many of our actions; for non-philosophers are sure that they are often free, and moreover they think it lunatic to have any doubts on that score. Now perhaps philosophers could overturn the verdict of common sense by pointing out new facts about us, facts that are clearly inconsistent with our being free. But they cite no such new facts. So philosophers who deny that we are free, or who think there is some genuine general problem about whether we are free, or who think that freedom requires the possession and exercise of some mysterious capacity, go wrong in their definition of 'freedom. 'That is, they define 'freedom' in a way contrary to the definition of that term implicit in common sense. Moreover, their mistake is gross: it is not motivated by any sound considerations or by any real aspects of our ordinary talk and practices, and involves using 'free' and associated terms nonsensically."

The point is that compatibilists typically argue that libertarians have misconstrued the ordinary concept of freedom, or the way that the practices associated with "freedom" and related terms work.[Note 2] Straightforward compatibilists argue that libertarians have simply gone astray. More subtle compatibilists (among them Strawson, in his influential "Freedom and Resentment"[Note 3]) argue that libertarians correctly believe that straightforward compatibilists haven't done justice to our ordinary beliefs and practices; but they then refine compatibilism, in an effort to show both that our ordinary beliefs and practices are by and large all right as they stand, and that those beliefs and practices are compatible with determinism. The libertarian, in other words, has called attention to the crudity of some versions of compatibilism, and so has prompted salutary refinements, but is just mistaken about the metaphysical presumptions of ordinary belief.

LIBERTARIANISM AND DESCRIPTION

But the typical compatibilist claim to describe our ordinary conception of freedom fully, and in a way that excludes libertarian accounts, is in my view mistaken. For the feeling that determinism broadly construed[Note 4] is a threat to our ordinary beliefs, practices, emotions, and attitudes is both broad and deep. It is common to feel a vague dissatisfaction with compatibilism of various stripes--whatever natural capacities compatibilism picks out, however "determinism" or "causation" get watered down, there's a temptation to think that real freedom has gotten lost in the shuffle.

This dissatisfaction, I believe, flows from an association between the concept of freedom and the notion of special human status and dignity. This notion can involve religious belief and the notion of a soul, but needn't. It can just be a vague sense that human beings must somehow transcend mere nature, and the causal order that governs everything else. ("Transcendence" not just by means of our actions having reasons as well as causes; instead, the thought is that we must be the uncaused sources of our actions.)

Of course, arguments from ordinary reactions to philosophical problems can cut both ways. Compatibilists have claimed that libertarians must employ a variety of tricks in order to get ordinary people to profess the right "intuitions." Moreover, if the libertarian picks out specific practices or emotions supposed to be decisively undermined if determinism is true, the compatibilist will cheerfully supply a way around the difficulty (as we should expect if our practices and emotions are connected with each other in complex ways, and liable to more than one sort of "grounding"). In a way, we are at an argumentative impasse, with compatibilists and incompatibilists simply moved by or opting for different descriptions of ordinary reactions and ordinary concepts. But it might be possible to overcome this impasse by supplying what compatibilists typically feel to be lacking in incompatibilist accounts: namely, an explanation of how one could plausibly come to hold libertarian views.[Note 5] In what follows I briefly suggest such an explanation.

I want to propose a dialectic--or, if you like, a spiral of increasing requirements on freedom. At first, we can see plainly enough that, in order to act freely, a person must be free from external forces that constrain the will. Freedom requires choice, and external constraints are inimical to choice. Then freedom is located in the will, which chooses free of constraint. Or does it? There are two grounds for suspicion here: particular and general. (1) It is easy to point to particular cases where a person does as she wills, yet where nevertheless her willing is in an important and real way out of her hands. (The standard cases: the kleptomaniac, the victim of brainwashing, and so on.) (2) More generally, we all know that our wills are shaped by forces we do not control, whether or not we can put our fingers on those forces in particular cases. Someone might say: every aspect of my will perhaps depends on some seed planted in me at first, but I have made my contribution. The obvious retort is: just as seed, soil, and climate wholly account for the growth of the plant, so inclination, circumstances, and training wholly account for the growth of the person. Whatever I make of myself, my ability to make that of myself comes from outside me.

But, the compatibilist will say, my ability constitutes me, it is not an outside force. I think that, in the end, there is something right about this line. But at this juncture it does not work, because it is not a correct description of our thoughts and practices to counter the incompatibilist's purportedly incorrect description. Instead, it is a recommendation to think in one way rather than another. It pretends to have this argumentative force against the incompatibilist: "you've got the concept wrong." But it really instead has the following force: "you'd be better off thinking of the concept in this way." The "you'd be better off" claim, when the task at hand is full and fearless and correct description of our beliefs, seems like an evasion.

So, in this constructed progression of thought, we begin with connection between freedom and choice; confront the facts about the ways in which our choices are shaped; feel dismay at the thought of constraints; and impose the requirement of choosing utterly without constraints. But what would that be like? Libertarians typically reply: "It would be like any of hundreds of actions we do every day. The question is absurd because free action is a commonplace, not a mysterious thing in need of elucidation and exemplification." This reply I take to be disingenuous; it is at any rate not helpful. The honest and helpful libertarian will bite the bullet and say: "to act freely is be a little God. It is to be an unmoved mover, the uncaused cause of one's own actions." Now of course it is hard to understand what this would be like, or why anyone might suppose it reasonable to think of human beings in this way--to think that we daily meet such a requirement; but none of that impugns the status of libertarianism as a description of our ordinary beliefs. (So much the worse, then, for our ordinary beliefs!)

THE EVALUATION OF LIBERTARIANISM

Two families of criticisms are typically employed against libertarianism: (1) Epistemic criticisms: it is a false or groundless or unreasonable doctrine. (2) Meaning criticisms: it is a meaningless or nonsensical or incoherent doctrine. Either criticism, if true, is of course damning. But, also of course, it is important to employ the right criticism; and one cannot correctly employ both at the same time. Compatibilism typically impugns the meaningfulness of libertarianism; and this sort of criticism inclines us to think that libertarianism could not be a correct description of our ordinary conception of freedom, or of any aspect of it. (It is clear enough how, and that, some widespread beliefs can be false.[Note 6] It is not so clear how, or whether, a widespread belief could crucially involve absurdity, meaninglessness.) I have suggested above that we can at least vaguely understand what the libertarian requires for free action, and that libertarianism goes wrong by attributing to us powers that we simply do not have. I believe that a straightforward argument will substantiate the suggestion.

How can the libertarian claim be meaningless or nonsensical or incoherent, if the compatibilist (as well as the hard determinist, that is the incompatibilist who rejects libertarian metaphysics, and who therefore denies that we are ever free) is right that we are not uncaused causes? Surely we want to say that the libertarian claim is hard to understand and false, rather than that it is nonsense. Compare libertarianism with this claim: "human beings are, essentially, immortal creatures." The claim is not meaningless or nonsensical or incoherent. But many people would say that it is hard to understand--where or what is this immortal human essence? Many people would say that we have no good grounds for believing the claim, that there is no account of how things could be as the claim envisions them to be, that we have no ordinary uncontroversial model of immortality, that the claim is likely false. Don't all these criticisms answer well to our intuitive sense of the libertarian's mistake? If so, then we have removed another obstacle to understanding libertarianism as descriptively correct; and we have correspondingly clarified the revisionary nature of the compatibilist's project.

PLURALISM ABOUT "FREEDOM"

I have been at work defending the libertarian's claim to describe the ordinary conception of freedom, and so I might seem to be saying that compatibilists are entirely wrong in their claim to describe the ordinary conception of freedom. But this is not so. For the ordinary conception of freedom is (like any number of other rich conceptions) not a unitary thing; it has different aspects, embodied in different ways in various beliefs and practices and emotions and attitudes, and some of these aspects are at odds with each other. The ordinary conception can contain both a libertarian account of free agents as uncaused causes, and a compatibilist account of free agents as not subject to certain well-known forms of coercion or disability, possessing normal adult faculties of moral sensibility and of general cognition. So, strictly speaking, the compatibilist goes wrong not in her claim to be descriptive, but in her claim to only describe, and her corresponding claim that the libertarian does not describe our ordinary conception of freedom at all.

Libertarians and hard determinists typically make the parallel mistake of denying that the compatibilists have described anything at all worth calling freedom, because they too typically believe that the term "freedom" has one central meaning, not a family of meanings (and a squabbling family at that). So all parties to the dispute about human freedom would do well to take more seriously the plurality of aspects of the ordinary conception of freedom--even if they aim at excising one or more of these aspects from the conception.

RE-OPENED QUESTIONS

Compatibilists who have denied the descriptive force of libertarianism have seen no need to reflect on revising our concept of freedom. Besides, as Strawson forcefully argues in "Freedom and Resentment," any conceptual revision we engage in might well be idle; for freedom is no mere topic of abstract speculation, but part of the fabric of all our relationships and emotions. So questions about both conceptual and practical revision have seemed to be closed (or, even worse, impossible or useless to pose).

If I am right, though, both these sorts of questions force themselves on us. Reflection about the ordinary conception of freedom shows that it involves various aspects, and that the libertarian aspect involves false beliefs; how can we in good intellectual conscience refrain from revising such a conception? And if some of our practices and attitudes and emotions are bound up with false beliefs, conscience seems to require at least an rigorous effort at revision--a careful distinguishing between, say, emotions that we cannot either discard or weaken, emotions that we can at least weaken (at least some of us, at least sometimes), and finally emotions we can discard, and might be better off discarding.

What does this Spinozist suggestion amount to, when we come to cases? Just this: perhaps the typical compatibilist understanding of freedom, once we face up to its revisionary character, removes some of our usual grounds for (say) the practice of retributive punishment, or for the emotional reaction of resentment. And perhaps human nature is sufficiently malleable that, when we reflect on the lack of grounds for practices, we can replace them with other practices; or, when we reflect on the lack of grounds for an emotional reaction, we will tend to have that reaction less and less, and to replace it with a more sensible emotional reaction. (Say, sadness or resignation instead of resentment. None of us resent "Nature" for bringing us a drought; nevertheless, we are not doomed to a cold emotionless reaction. We can and do recognize and grieve over the damage a drought does. So we might recognize and grieve over the damage a morally bad person does, without feeling moral resentment toward that person.) Here I am arguing neither that this Spinozist or stoic outlook is attainable by more than a few extraordinary persons (and by them only fitfully, perhaps) nor that this outlook is desirable if attainable. I am only arguing that we ought to be very cautious in assessing what reactions are humanly impossible, and in assessing the strong and weak points of a vastly different way of life.


Notes

Note 1

This claim about the source of the problem of human freedom gets support from the number of philosophers who think both that there is at least a prima facie problem about human freedom, and that strict determinism is not true--whether because of Humean considerations about necessary connection, or because of indeterminism at the level of quantum physics, or for some other reason. [Return to text]

Note 2

By the way, I mean by "the ordinary conception of freedom" nothing more than what we can learn about "freedom" from the ways in which people use this and related words--including what statements they typically assent to, what they typically say in a wide variety of practical circumstances, what they say when articulating their practices and emotions and attitudes, and what they might say when asked to imagine and respond to unusual cases. I do not mean to pick out either anything unitary, or anything essentially separate from practices. [Return to text]

Note 3

Reprinted in Free Will, ed. Gary Watson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982). [Return to text]

Note 4

That is, construed as a tag for "a naturalistic account, an account that says that the ultimate source of our capacities and values is external to us." [Return to text]

Note 5

It would also be helpful to explain how libertarian views could become deeply embedded in a culture, our culture. I suspect such an explanation will involve the theological uses of the libertarian conception (say, in theodicy) as well as the persistent urge to understand human beings and human capacities non-naturalistically. (Or, to put it the other way around, the persistent difficulty of sticking to a naturalistic understanding of human beings and capacities.)[Return to text]

Note 6

And, of course, if the widespread belief is associated with practices and emotions and attitudes, those are also impugned by the belief's falsity. [Return to text]


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