"Our London Letter." The Norfolk News, May 4, 1872.

For general intelligence, the debate on Mr. Trevelyan's motion for extending the county franchise so as to include the agricultural laborer [sic] was as interesting as any we have had this session. The house to be sure was not crowded, there were no spicy personalities, there was none of that excitement which alone makes legislation tolerable to the average member; but for sense and development of the reasoning facility, the speeches were rather remarkable. There was something of the debating club about them, because everybody knew that it would be a long day before the house would pledge itself to the enfranchisement of the agricultural laborer but this was a drawback which was inevitable. Mr. Fawcett's speech in particular was compressed, and to my mind conclusive. It was noticeable, too, that it did not seem to shock the Conservative gentlemen opposite. In fact they rather cheered him. O tempora, that the squires should have been so educated that they should be disposed to coquette with a Radical who wishes to give a vote to their farm-servants ! Mr. Fawcett very properly protested, and it was this which won the hearts of the Conservatives, that a great deal too much had been made of the difference between the agricultural and the town laborer, and that in many respects the agricultural laborer was superior to his brother in the town. It was pleasant to hear him say this, for it is a truth which wants saying. The so-called "comic" papers, driven by the weekly necessity to be funny have certain stock subjects for caricature upon which they invariable fall back in case of need. The poor footman is one, the professional political agitator and trade unionist is another; "Hodge" the stupid pig-headed rustic is another, and so there has grown up a current superstition that the laborer [sic] in the towns is a very much sharper fellow than his brother in the village. The slowness, the stolidity, which have given some color [sic] to this prejudice, are mere surface defects than the caddish, slangy sharpness of the Cockney. Mr. Trevelyan's resolution was of course negated but it was easy to see that the sympathy of the party was altogether with him, and that nothing but the dislike to heap pledges upon the Government prevented it being carried. Soon after the resolution had been negatived, a count-out occurred, to the immense relief of everybody whose business compels attendance at the House. It happened in this way : The Government had put down the navy estimates on the paper with a faint hope that possibly they might be reached at about eleven o'clock. Mr. Glyn, therefore, did his best to keep his met together for the first part of the evening. Presently, however, it appeared that the estimates stood no chance whatever, and the pressure was relaxed. The Government could not openly sanction a count-out, and made some obtrusive show of a protest against it, but everybody knew what was meant, and when notice was taken that a quorum was not in attendance, no very alarming threats were used to force members into the House.

On Monday evening, the House was honored by the presence of the Prince Imperial, a pale, slender, unimportant looking boy, who entered the gallery just as the House had got into Committee on the Ballot Bill. He was accompanied by Lord Sydney and some other gentlemen of the Emperor's suite. The party sat just over the clock and Lord Sydney apparently acted as showman, pointing out the distinguished members of the House to him. Presently Mr. Ayrton sidled up into the gallery, and craved through Lord Sydney the honor [sic] of an introduction to the Prince. It was impossible not to think of Saarbruck and the "baptism of fire." This was the first time the Prince had ever been to the House of Commons, and his Parliamentary baptism was anything but fiery, for the House while he was there was as dull as ditchwater, and was just about beginning one of the most marvellously obstructive evenings which has ever been seen even upon the Ballot Bill. The Prince soon had enough of it, and departed.

Your correspondent, however, had to remain, and what he had to endure is perfectly indescribable. It was sometime before the committee could get near the Bill. Mr. Bentinck, the Norfolk Bentinck, moved to report progress, in order that he might call the attention of the House to a supposed misdemeanor of the Government in not proceeding with the Corrupt Practices Bill peri passe with the Ballot Bill. About three-quarters of an hour was cut to waste in this way. Mr. Bentinck and his friends professing that a zeal which had eaten them up for the cause of purity of elections was the sole motive for their interference. It was not opposition to the Ballot - nothing of the kind - it was simply anxiety to get on with the Corrupt Practices Bill. Then came a clause, proposed by Mr. Wheelhouse, for enabling sick and disabled people to use voting papers. That being fought and settled, there came another from Mr. Gourley, providing facilities for voting for seamen who are about to go on a voyage. Mr. Gourley is a thin spare man with a weak little piping voice, and no sooner had he sat down than Mr. Collins, in tones like those of the cracking of a great whip, fell upon him, and in Parliamentary language called him a humbug, because he had not voted for a clause of precisely similar import, which had been suggested previously by Mr. Graves. Mr. Collins went so far as to say that the only reason Mr. Gourley now had for proposing this clause was that he had got a message from his Sunderland constituents reprimanding him for his former opposition, and directing him to make amends. Poor Mr. Gourley was completely doubled up, and looked very much distressed. His clause was promptly negatived without a division. Then Mr. Gregory tried to obtain the privilege of ballot papers for out-voters. After debate and a division, which is a most happy expedient for wasting time, Mr. Gregory found himself defeated. Mr. Raikes then moved that the Bill should apply to the next election only. Mr. Davenport Bromley told an American story, and the House divided again. After this, members managed to wear away the House by a few small amendments, till a motion by Mr. Smith was reached that persons who could not fill up the voting papers properly should be at liberty to avail themselves of the returning officer's assistance. On this motion, as nearly as possible fifty speeches were made and when all this enormous amount of talk had run dry, Sir Lawrence Palk moved to report progress. The same thing was said over and over again to such an extent that the repetition became positively indecent. Yet the Tory newspapers the next day complained that the Ballot was obstructing public business.

the Order in Council reconstituting the Board of Admiralty has been issued. There is an addition of a Naval Secretary and a Comptroller having no seat at the Board. Some excitement has been caused at the professional clubs by Admiral Seymour's refusal to serve under the present Government. The Navy, it is understood, will nevertheless survive the loss of the gallant Admiral's services.

A kind of comical amendment to the Ballot Bill was discussed with great eagerness tonight. It was intended to meet the case of illiterate voters, and provided that the voter who could not read the paper should have the privilege of obtaining the assistance of the returning officer. It was quite clear that the amendment was considered of too much importance, for the Conservative benches were crowded by gentlemen anxious for the chance of a division against the Government. Mr. Newdegate proposed that a photograph of each candidate should be given to each voter !! After a most strenuous debate, the clouds having gathered heavily, and there being strong symptoms of a storm, Mr. Foster gave way, and adopted an amendment about to be proposed by Mr. Synan, which was practically the same as the one before the House. There were sundry protests from the Radical party below the gangway that the Bill was betrayed, but in the end the compromise was accepted. It seems to me and it seemed to many others that it was a grievous pity that Mr. Foster did not know his own mind before the debate commenced. There was, as might be expected, considerable crowing on the Conservative benches at the Government, and Sir George Jenkinson mounted a kind of figurative dunghill with great effect.

A SILENT MEMBER